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In
India many unions are functioning simultaneously in one and the
same establishment. On this background the BMS has some distinct
features of its own:
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a)
One of its basics is to build a structure of society, which would
promote India's contribution to humanity.
b)
It has a firm belief in Indian Culture and its ultimate success,
and takes inspiration from India's ancient culture and spiritual
concepts.
c)
Naturally, It believes that the whole humanity is one and different
nations are only its various facets. It therefore rejects the "Class
Struggle" theory of Marx and hence the fight of BMS is not
against any class but against injustice and exploitation.
d)
It believes in co-existence of nations and tries to promote brotherhood
among them.
e)
It has a nationalist outlook not attached to any -ism (capitalism,
socialism or communism).
f)
It is not linked or to any political party and is therefore independent
of party politics.
g)
It is a genuine trade union working not only for the economic needs
of the workers but also for their total upliftment.
h)
Unity in diversity is the special feature of Indian culture and
accordingly BMS tries to bring together different trade unions and
participates in joint campaigns for the solution of workers problems.
No compromise on concepts and leaving the stamp on the deliberations
of joint campaign committees and joint actions has been the tradition
of BMS.
i)
It does not believe in violence and destruction/ and adheres to
constructive approach in all its struggles.
j)
It considers workers interest in the context of National interest
and hence propagates workers participation right coupled with duty.
k)
It believes in increasing production with proper distribution and
hence propagates PRODUCE MAXIMUM but CONSUME WITH RESTRAINT.
l)
It strives for removing foreign influence on Indian Society.
m)
It considers STRIKE as a last resort after failure of bilateral
talks, negotiations and arbitrations.
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The
BMS has ideologically a distinct approach than the rest of the Central
Trade Union Organisations in India. Bharatiya culture forms the
ideological basis of the BMS The word culture denotes a trend of
impressions on the mind of a society which is peculiar to its own,
and which again, is the cumulative effect of its passion, emotion,
thought, speech and action throughout its life. Bharatiya culture
looks upon life as an integrated whole. It has an integrated viewpoint.
It admits that there is diversity and plurality in life, but always
attempts to discover the unity in diversity. The diversity in life
is merely an expression of the internal unity. The unity in seed
finds expression in various forms - the roots, the trunk, the branches,
the leaves, the flowers and the fruits of the tree. Unity in diversity
and the expression of unity in various forms have remained the central
thought of Bharatiya culture or "Integral Humanism." If
this truth is whole-heartedly accepted then there will not exist
any cause for conflict among various powers. Conflict is not a sign
of culture or nature. "Integral Humanism is the name given
to the sum total of various features of Bharatiya culture- abiding,
dynamic, synthesizing and sublime", Pandit Deendayal Upadhyay
propounded. This is the idea, which determines the direction of
BMS.
It
would be wrong to presume that labour problems are related to one
section of population only. Such an exclusive view would be very
unrealistic. Deterioration of working and living conditions of labour
cannot be a sectional problem of labour alone; it is a malady adversely
affecting the health of the entire social organism. Labour has always
been regarded as the very foundation of the Bharatiya social structure.
It is an integral and vital part of society. The character of its
problems, therefore, is not sectional but national. To protect and
promote its interests is, therefore, the natural responsibility
of the entire nation. BMS is pledged to fulfil this fundamental
national duty towards labour.
Marxists
and socialists of every variety conduct their trade unions as instruments
of intensifying class conflict with the ultimate goal of establishment
of socialism. BMS is a votary of nationalism and integralism. Therefore,
it rejects the class conflict theory. The class conflict, carried
to its logical length, would result in disintegration of the nation.
All the nationals are only so many limbs of the same body. Their
interests cannot, therefore, be mutually conflicting. BMS is opposed
to class struggle based on hatred and hostility, but it has always
struggled against the evil forces of inequality, injustice and exploitation
With
a view to achieving national prosperity and eradicating poverty,
BMS is pledged to "maximum production and equitable distribution".
Capitalism over-emphasises the importance of production. Socialism
over-emphasises the aspect of distribution. But BMS lays equal stress
on both. Maximum production is the national duty of labour, but
at the same time equitable distribution of the fruits of production
' the legitimate right of workers. BMS has, therefore introduced
in the labour field a new slogan based on patriotism: "We will
work in the interest of the nation and will demand full wages".
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Politicisation
of labour movement and affiliation of Central Trade Union Organisation
with one or other political parties led to division of trade union
movement in India. Affiliation to political parties results in inter-union
rivalries. INTUC has links with Congress. It supported the policies
of congress government. Even when it disagreed with government's
action it indulges in nothing more than a mere verbal protest. “....
By virtue of the common source of inspiration and common leadership,
the INTUC has the tradition of working almost as a wing of the congress
party with unassailable commitment to the party's policies and programmes.
Since inception many leaders of the INTUC have been contesting the
parliament and assembly elections. Several of them have been given
berths in the council of ministers at the central and state levels....".
AITUC
adopts the policies and ideologies of communist party of India (CPI).
CITU has affiliation with Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M).
HMS follows the principles and policies of the Socialist Party.4
UTUC has close relationship with the Revolutionary Socialist Party
and other splinter parties of the left.5
Non-political
unionism has been held out as the only solution to the problems
that beset trade unions. One of the most ardent advocates of this
line was Shri V. V. Giri, the veteran trade unionist and former
President of India. "It is time that workers realize that party
politics are completely out of place in trade unions, that they
should not play the role of pawns in the game of party politics,
and that their organisations are concerned first and last with their
interest and welfare. Trade union leaders and party leaders should
also take active steps to ensure that workers are weaned away from
disruptive party leanings, so that genuine trade unionism may grow
in the country".
The
BMS has kept itself away from power-hungry politics from its inception.
Trade union can ensure that powerful influence of workers on management
and government policy only when the principle of non-political trade
unionism is followed. Of course every worker is conscious of his
rights and duties as a citizen and is free individually to join
or not to join, and work or not to work, for a political party of
his choice. But as union members collectively the workers must keep
out of politics.
BMS
is pledged to eradicate economic inequality and exploitation; but
it is not 'Leftist'. It rejects the class conflict concept of Marx;
but it is not 'Rightist'. It is purely nationalist and has accepted
the principle of genuine trade unionism i.e. an organisation for
the workers, by the workers and of the workers within the framework
of national interest. In the XII World Trade Union Congress of World
Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) of Communist Countries, held in
Moscow, in 1990, it was admitted by almost all delegates that the
trade unions of labour must keep themselves away from the power
and political parties. This again is an international recognition
of the basic concept of BMS on non-political trade unionism.
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The
BMS has coined the following three sparkling phrases to depict in
brief its distinctive approach to the Trade Union Movement:
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NATIONALISE
THE LABOUR
LABOURISE
THE INDUSTRY
AND
INDUSTRIALISE
THE NATION
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1.
Nationalistic outlook.
2.
Constructive Approach.
3.
Idealism, not expediency.
4.
Adherence to Constitution and democratic trade unionism.
5.
Perfectly non-political character.
6.
Admission to all Bharatiya workers irrespective of their caste,
creed, community, or sex.
7.
Conviction that class concept is a myth.
8.
Realise that labour interests are identical with national interests.
9.
Determination to steer clear of both, capitalism as well as communism.
10.
Equidistant to all power centres.
Since
1955 the BMS has introduced many slogans befitting its ideology
to the labour movement like:
*
Bharat Mata Ki Jai
"BHARAT
MATA KI JAY" was a slogan quite alien to the Indian
Labour Field. Workers were taken by surprise when BMS first introduced
this slogan and thus tried to bridge the gulf between the sectional
and national viewpoints. Being essentially patriotic, workers were
not slow to adopt this slogan.
*
Workers, unite the world.
In
1955, the widely current slogan was: WORKERS OF THE WORLD? UNITE
- In reality this was a slogan of all round disruption. We rejected
it and replaced it with our own slogan: "WORKERS UNITE
THE WORLD".
*
Nationalise the Labour, Labourise the Industry, Industrialise
the Nation.
BMS
also propagates the concept of labourisation based on the theory
of the workers being co-owners of the Industry on the basis of a
fair evaluation of the labour capital deployed. Hence the slogan
"Nationalise the Labour, Labourise the Industry and
Industrialise the Nation". BMS also demands, the constitution
of a national commission on the problems of ownership of industry,
which should suggest the pattern of ownership for each industry
taking into consideration the particular characteristics of that
industry and the total requirement of the national economy.
*
Desh ke hith me karenge kam, kam ka lenge pura daam.
(We will work in the interest of the country and will take full
remuneration for the work.)
*
Tyag, Tapasya aur Balidan
(Sacrifice, penance, and martyrdom) that are the main hallmarks
of the BMS Karyakarta (Workers).
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On
the practical plane, BMS was the first to highlight the fact that
neither nationalisation was the only alternative to private capitalism,
nor west a panacea for all industrial maladies. There were various
other patterns of industrial ownership such as, municipalisation,
co-operativisation, democratisation, joint industry, joint sector,
self-employment, etc. etc. It urged for the constitution of National
commission on the pattern of industrial ownership. The pattern of
ownership should be determined in the light of peculiar characteristics
of each industry, and the total requirement of national economy.
It firmly rejected both the extremes of "all nationalisation"
and "no nationalisation"
Pleading
for the organisation of autonomous Financial Institution to channelise
small saving of poor people into industrial investments for the
benefit of the specific industries, the BMS has said that the industrial
structure in the future would continue to be complex, with various
patterns of ownership, existing side by side/ but greater stress
will have to be laid on setting up industries which will be:
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Financed
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by
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Commoners
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Owned
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Workers
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Supervised
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by
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Institutions
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Decentralised
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Technologists
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Served
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by
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Experts
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Coordinated
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Planners
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Disciplined
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by
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Parliament
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Assisted
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State
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Utilised
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by
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Consumer
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&
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Governed
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by
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Dharma
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| Industrial
Family |
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It
was emphasized by B.M.S. that National goal cannot be achieved
if there exists any feeling of enmity. The B.M.S. therefore,
deprecated the theory of class conflict and emphasized that
all the constituents should act and work in unison. This can
be achieved by developing the concept of "family"
in the industry. |
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| Symbol
of BMS |
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The
BMS symbol characteristically Bharatiya, while its industrial
wheel symbolises industrialisation, "BALI" agriculture
and general prosperity and human fist workers unity, the real
stress is on the opposable human thumb. No implement weapon
or means of production could have been evolved, had man not
been blessed with the opposable thumb. In this sense, human
thumb is the real origin of all machinery, hammer, sickle, plough,
charkha or spuntik. NO HUMAN LIMB HAS SO FAR FOUND ANY PLACE
IN THE SYMBOL OF OTHER TRADE UNION CENTERS. |
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| National
Labour Day |
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In
our country VISHWAKARMA DAY is being observed as National Labour
Day from time immemorial. The Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh boldly
introduced this day, happily enough it has received wide acceptability
from the workers, though some of the so-called radical labour
leaders are still hesitant on the point. |
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| Viswakarma
Sector |
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BMS
was the first trade union centre to recognize the special
importance of 'self-employment sector' Self-employment is
the best status for men in society. Economic life without
alienation is the life of ownership of one's own economic
activity in agriculture, industry, trade and services. This
is self-employment as a concept in economics.20 Goldsmiths,
blacksmiths, potters, tailors, engravers, barbers and washer
men are self-employed. BMS rightly calls this self-employment
sector as the Viswakarma sector. The western economics did
not recognize this sector of self-employment which was neither
a 'private sector' nor a 'public sector' but the 'people's
sector'. Later on the Household Industries Act was passed
by the erstwhile communist Soviet Union. Communist China
and Hungary also had made legal provisions for the self-employment
sector, recognizing its importance.
BMS
urges a separate department under the Ministry of Labour and
Employment to assist the self-employed persons. Self-employed
people cannot be exploited nor can they exploit others. There
is neither class war nor take-over of the state. It is a peaceful
transformation.21 Self-employment sector should
get more encouragement than at present.
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| Functional
Representation in the Elected Bodies |
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BMS
calls for the introduction of functional representation in
the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies. The territorial representation
should be reduced numerically, each member being required
to represent a larger electorate. In industrial sector, workers
of each major industry and minor industries or their trade
groups should be given representation in the Lok Sabha and
the State Assemblies. The organised labour should be given
representation on Local-Self Government bodies and university
senates.
There
should be de-limitation of industrial constituencies on the
national, the state and the local level for the above purpose.
On the national level, the number of representatives to be
elected by the workers of every industry should be directly
proportionate to the extent of its contribution to the national
income, BMS envisages.
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| Guidelines
of the Future Socio-Economic Order |
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BMS
is striving not only for the solution of immediate problems
but also for the gradual evolution of the guidelines of the
future socio-economic order. The memorandum on Labour Policy'
submitted to the National Labour Commission on 22nd October.
1968. The National Charter of Demands of Indian Labour - An
Order of Duties and Disciplines" submitted to Shri V.
V. Giri President of India on 17th November, 1969 and "the
National Charter of Directives of Bharatiya Workers"
submitted to Dr. Shankar Daval Sharma, President of India
on 20th April, 1993 are the documents of the collective thinking
and the collective wisdom of BMS. These are also the guidelines
to the architects of Indian Labour Policy for the 21st
Century.
While
opposing the New Economic Policy (NEP) and New Industrial
Policy (NIP) BMS has suggested some positive alternatives.
It has vigorously condemned the abject surrender to the conditionalities
of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank <is that
would amount to giving up our sovereignty. BMS considers the
present moment as an opportunity to build up Swadeshi Model
of Economy. D.B. Thengdi's "Third way" offers the
general guidelines of the new socio-economic order. The ideal
national paradigm of value-systems, institutional arrangement
and parameters are given in the formulation of BMS.
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